- Two Decades Behind: How to Give Women a Bigger Voice in Japanese Politics
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Japan has one of the lowest rates of female representation in politics of any country in the world. What are the reasons for Japan’s lack of progress in this area, and what can be done to improve the gender balance in Japanese politics?
Two Decades Behind
Japan lags far behind the rest of the world in the proportion of women who play an active role in its political life. Women are woefully underrepresented in the Diet, making up 9.5% of members in the House of Representatives and 15.7% in the House of Councillors. This low level of female representation in its lower house puts Japan in 156th place out of 191 countries worldwide. As of January 2016, Japan was one of just 38 countries where women make up less than 10% of elected representatives.
The global average is 22%—double the 11% average in 1995, when the Fourth World Conference on Women was held in Beijing. Although the proportion of women in the House of Representatives has increased more than threefold from just 2.7% (14 members) at the general election in 1993 to 9.5% (45 members) at the general election in 2014, the truth is that Japan is still stuck at the level the rest of the world was at 20 years ago.
Female Representation in Parliament (Lower House) in Asian Countries
|World ranking (out of 192 countries)||Country||%|
Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union (January 2016). Data added for Taiwan.
Women are somewhat better represented in the House of Councillors, but even there they still make up less than 20% of the total. A watershed in female representation in politics came with the intake of women representatives brought about by Doi Takako during her time as leader of the Japan Socialist Party. The “Madonna boom,” as the Japanese media called it, brought nine new women into the upper house in 1989—a figure that increased to 11 including those elected by-elections. This influx lifted the proportion of women in the upper house—previously stable at around 6-7%—to 17.5%. The figures have risen and fallen several times since then, reaching a peak so far of 21.5% in 2007.
Global Factors Holding Women Back
As a general rule, female representation in politics is unlikely to increase until women are able to play a full role in working life in general, since the pool of potential candidates will remain small if few women are working. But the proportion of women in politics does not necessarily increase as more women join the workforce. The fact that the percentage of female parliamentarians around the world is still only 20% should tell us that certain structural barriers exist that make it hard for women in all countries to pursue a political career.
The first barrier is traditional gender roles. Entrenched ideas about what types of work are “appropriate” for men and women make it likely for the burden of child-rearing and other “family” work to fall on women alone. This naturally cuts into any time they might otherwise have devoted to politics. Male politicians tend to be free from any responsibility to deal with family chores. In many cases the family becomes a resource that supports his career. The burden of bringing up a family is a major factor that persuades many women to give up their political ambitions.
A second reason is gender stereotypes. If there is a strong feeling in society that politics is essentially a male sphere of activity, it becomes difficult for women candidates to attract votes, especially from male voters. And if they behave in the same way as their male counterparts once they have been elected, they risk betraying the hopes of the supporters who voted for them precisely because they are women.
The reality at the moment is that current working patterns and ideas about gender roles are acting as fetters preventing more women from becoming involved in politics. Another factor concerns the senior figures within political parties who select and sponsor candidates. If these executives are men, it is likely that their previous experiences of success and their unconscious gender biases will determine the qualities they look for in a “winning candidate.” Often they end up choosing a male candidate resembling the previous incumbent. And because both men and women tend to develop homosocial networks in which they socialize primarily with groups of their own sex, a woman candidate sometimes simply does not register on a man’s radar at all.
An Opposition Uncommitted to Women Candidates
Other factors are specific to Japan. One concerns the nature of competition among the political parties. In many other countries, political parties have often been persuaded to field women candidates in an attempt to attract female votes and win more seats. This has often opened the door to greater representation of women in parliament. If the strategy is successful, other parties follow suit and field more women as well to avoid losing the female vote. Generally, it has been left-of-center parties who turn their attention to women voters first, with the trend gradually spreading to more conservative parties.
The 1989 “Madonna boom” that took place in Japan conformed to this wider trend, inspiring a sense of crisis that pushed the conservative Liberal Democratic Party to take more positive steps to field more women candidates. But the situation changed in the 1990s. The Socialist Party was reorganized as the Social Democratic Party, and faded from prominence. Its place as the main opposition party was taken by the Democratic Party of Japan, which was never particularly popular with women voters and made no special efforts to recruit female candidates.
In fact, in the early years of the twenty-first century it was the LDP that took the lead in putting forward women candidates. At the general election in 2005, a total of 26 women were elected from the party, 16 of them entering the Diet for the first time. This increased the number of women in the lower house almost threefold. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Koizumi Jun’ichirō, the party put women candidates at the top of its list for seats chosen by proportional representation, in effect operating a quota system, and succeeded in increasing the number of parliamentarians from these blocs by six. This quota system was not continued at future elections, but there was no reduction in the number of women the party fielded as candidates. The number of women elected from the party has remained relatively high in every election since, with the exception of the party’s disastrous showing in 2009, climbing to 23 in 2012, and 25 in 2014.
The Democratic Party of Japan fielded more women candidates at the general election in 2009, when it won convincingly and took power from the LDP. Following this election, 40 of the DPJ’s representatives in the lower house were women. As a result, the proportion of women members of the House of Representatives rose to 11.3%, passing 10% for the first time. But the DPJ showed no particular attachment to the idea of fielding women candidates after this short-lived election success.
The international pattern has been for left-of-center parties to start making extra efforts to put forward more women candidates after an election defeat. But the DPJ, now part of the reorganized Democratic Party opposition, has followed a different path from the general trend, and this is one of the reasons why the proportion of women in the Diet has remained so low.
Another factor is that both of the major intakes of women parliamentarians—“Koizumi’s children” in 2005 and the “Ozawa girls” in 2009—were the result of decisions by male leaders to field female candidates. In neither case was a woman responsible for promoting other women, as happened when the “Madonna” representatives were elected under Doi Takako’s leadership in 1989.
Parties will struggle to attract women voters as long as it is still men who are pulling the shots. Until women rise to positions of leadership within the parties and connect with women voters directly, it will be impossible to create the new political culture we need as we move toward achieving a more equal gender balance.
Increasing Use of Quotas in Asia
The chief reason why the average level of female representation in politics has doubled around the world in the last twenty years has been the increasing use of quotas. Some form of quota system is used in over 120 countries today. There are essentially two types of quota: systems that reserve a certain proportion of parliamentary seats for women and those that require a certain proportion of candidates to be women. Quotas can be set up either for women alone or for both sexes, with the allocation distribution ranging from 10% to 60%.
Quotas began in the 1970s, when political parties began to introduce fixed requirements voluntarily, particularly in Northern Europe. In the 1990s quotas became a legal requirement in various Latin American countries and are now increasingly common in Europe as well.
Quotas are also becoming widespread in Asia, and are already legally in force in two places where women make up more than 30% of elected politicians: in Timor-Leste (38.5%) and Taiwan (38.1%). Taiwan uses a unique method that combines both reserved seats and candidate quotas. South Korea has compulsory quotas for party candidate lists; women now occupy 17% of seats in the national assembly (as of April 2016).
Professor in the Faculty of Law at Sophia University. Born in 1967. Specializes in modern Japanese and international political science and gender issues. Holds a PhD in political science from the University of California at Berkeley. Works include Nihon no josei giin: Dō sureba fueru no ka (How to Increase the Number of Women in the Japanese Diet) and Welfare Through Work: Conservative Ideas, Partisan Dynamics, and Social Protection in Japan.